Ireland for French-Speaking Readers: Maria Edgeworth's "Les gants de Limerick" (1808)

Carmen María Fernández

Official School of Languages A Coruña/University of A Coruña

As the founder of the Big House novel, Maria Edgeworth occupies a privileged place in Anglo-Irish studies. This article aims to analyze the translation of Edgeworth's tale "The Limerick Gloves" (Popular Tales 1804) from the viewpoint of Itamar Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Gideon Toury's Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS). This story is one of Edgeworth's Rebellion narratives and is interestingly placed between Edgeworth's bestseller Castle Rackrent and her so-called Irish novels. Here we deal with the text published in Bibliothèque Britannique by the brothers Pictet, who had already versioned into French many stories penned by Edgeworth.

palabras clave: traducción; Ireland, Maria Edgeworth, Translation, Cultural Studies, Literature by women, Descriptive Translation Studies.

Irlanda para lectores francoparlantes: "Les gants de Limerick", de María Edgeworth

Maria Edgeworth ocupa un lugar privilegiado en los Estudios Angloirlandeses como fundadora de la "Big House novel". Este artículo pretende analizar la traducción de la historia "The Limerick Gloves" (Popular Tales 1804) desde el punto de vista de la teoría de los polisistemas de Itamar Even-Zohar y los Estudios Descriptivos de Traducción (EDT). La historia es una de las narraciones de la Rebelión de Edgeworth y curiosamente se sitúa entre el bestseller Castle Rackrent y las llamadas novelas irlandesas. Nos centraremos en el texto publicado en Bibliothèque Britannique por los hermanos Pictet, quienes ya habían versionado en francés muchas de las historias escritas por Edgeworth.

key words: Irlanda, Maria Edgeworth, Traducción, Estudios Culturales, Literatura escrita por mujeres, Estudios descriptivos de la Traducción.

recibido en abril de 2019 aceptado en junio de 2020

INTRODUCTION¹

Maria Edgeworth’s status in Anglo-Irish literature is undisputable. Edgeworth founded the Anglo-Irish novel or Big House novel as a major tradition in Irish fiction in which “[The Big House] is set on isolated country estates [and] dramatizes the tensions between several social groups: the landed proprietors of a Protestant ascendancy gentry; a growing, usually Catholic, middle class; and the mass of indigenous, rural Catholic tenantry” (Kreilkamp, 1998: 6). The daughter of an enlightened reformer, Richard Lovell Edgeworth —who campaigned for the Union with Britain—, Maria believed in education to reform the manners and the hearts, and she had a stout faith in the improvement of her foster country, Ireland. A member of the Protestant Anglo-Irish Ascendancy, Edgeworth believed in the Union, and all her writings about Ireland insisted on the need to value the Irish contribution to Great Britain. Either alone or with her father, Edgeworth produced a considerable corpus of varied literary forms, such as pedagogical essays (Practical Education 1801), collections of tales (The Parent’s Assistant 1796), epistolary fiction (Leonora 1806), and feminocentric novels (Belinda 1801, Helen 1834), but her literary glory springs from her talent as a narrator of Irish life in her so-called Irish tales: Castle Rackrent (1800), Ennui (1809), The Absentee (1812) and Ormond (1817).

Previous articles have analyzed the representation of Ireland in some of Edgeworth’s tales where the elements that might be potentially shocking for readers are eliminated or transformed through the manipulation of the source text (Fernández 2014a; 2014b; 2016). Here I examine one of Edgeworth’s Irish tales, “The Limerick Gloves”, from the perspective of Itamar Even-Zohar’s polysystem theory and Gideon Toury’s Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS). The interest is in the first translation of the story as it was introduced to French-speaking readers. Since our approach is descriptive rather than prescriptive, translation analysis cannot be limited to spotting mistakes. Instead, attention will be paid to the different elements influencing the source and the target texts in the English and French-speaking polysystems.

2. THEORETICAL CONCEPTS

Descriptive Translation Studies consider translation as an agent and medium through which cultural contact can take place. This approach is the best for our analysis since literature is related to the social context. As Gideon Toury argues, changes are unavoidable in the target text: a translation leans towards adequacy to the source language or the acceptability in the target language, or it stands between both, so attention has to be paid to the function of the text in culture (1980: 123). Toury later insists on the historical contextualization of translation or the afterlife of the source text (1995: 64).

Theo Hermans and André Lefèvere have also insisted on translation as a cultural phenomenon. The former regards descriptive translation analysis taking the target text as a starting point, and he considers translation as a reflection about different linguistic, literary and cultural systems. Herman draws on Toury’s idea that any text will be considered as equivalent to another under specific historical conditions, and he maintains that translation choice can obscure logical possibilities and affect the target culture’s view of a source culture (1985: 78). Significantly, Lefèvere associates translation with rewriting, a strategy to guarantee that reception has taken place (1985: 106). For this scholar, the way translations are supposed to function depends both on the audience they are intended for and on the status of the source text they are supposed to represent in their own culture (1990: 8). This fact conditions a further function of translation: it becomes one of the means by which a new nation “‘proves itself, shows that its language is capable of rendering what is rendered in more prestigious languages […] Translation, in this case, amounts to a seizure of power, more than anything else, any transfer of anything at all” (1990: 8). Two factors basically determine the image of a work of literature as projected by a translation: the translator’s ideology —dictating not only the basic strategy the translator is going to use, but also the solutions to problems concerned with the original— and the poetics dominant in the receiving literature at the time the translation is made (1992: 41). For instance, dialects and idiolects tend to reveal the translator’s ideological stance towards certain groups thought of as “inferior” or “ridiculous”, both inside and outside their culture (Lefèvere, 1992: 58).

Bearing in mind these tenets, our analysis can be based on Itamar Even-Zohar’s definition of the literary system: “The network of relations that is hypothesized to obtain between a number of activities called literary, and consequently these activities themselves observed via that network” (1990: 28), where six elements are integrated and depend on each other: “[…] a CONSUMER may “consume” a PRODUCT produced by a PRODUCER, but in order for the “product” (such as “text”) to be generated, a common REPERTOIRE must exist, whose usability is determined by some INSTITUTION. A MARKET must exist where such a good can be transmitted” (Even-Zohar, 1990: 34). Macrotextual aspects (namely the narrative point of view, prologues, footnotes, etc.) and translation procedures —like expansions, reductions, modulations, or transpositions— also determine the translator’s decisions. Finally; coherence and cohesion, the context and possible intertextual relationships must be born in mind, so Gerard Genette’s idea of the paratext comes to the fore as a transaction area between the author and the audience that encompasses all the verbal productions accompanying a text and guaranteeing its reception and consumption (1987: 7-8).

3. THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH POLYSYSTEMS

3.1. “The Limerick Gloves”

From Even-Zohar’s perspective, Edgeworth was the producer or author of a product which aimed at British readers or consumers composing a market involved with literary products and with the promotion of types of consumption. “The Limerick Gloves” is included in the collection Popular Tales (1804) together with “Rosanna”, “Lame Jervas”, “The Will”, “Out of Debt, Out of Danger”, “The Lottery”, “Murad the Unlucky”, “The Manufacturers”, “The Contrast”, “The Grateful Negro” and “Tomorrow”. Unlike previous works, this collection is addressed to the working classes, those “[...] who might be amused and instructed by books which were not professedly adapted to the classes that have been enumerated [nobility, clergy and gentleman of the learned professions]” (Edgeworth, 1804: ii). In the preface signed by Richard Lovell Edgeworth, it is highlighted that these stories do not offend “against morality, tire by their sameness, or disgust by their imitation of other writers” (Edgeworth, 1804: iv).

When Edgeworth became popular in Great Britain, women composed a large section of the market, and she had the merit to reveal Ireland to Britons, so King George III admitted: “We hear from very good authority that the king was much pleased with Castle Rackrent —he rubbed his hands and said “‘What what —I know something now of my Irish subjects’” (qtd. in Cronin, 1980: 25). As a matter of fact, two events helped to bring Ireland closer to the reading public: the insurrection of 1798, which attracted public attention to Ireland; and the parliamentary union, which brought Irish affairs directly into the political life of England (Becket, 1981: 105). Curiously, the Protestant colony first began to identify themselves as the Irish nation, showing more interest for Ireland and the vindication of its idiosyncrasy than the Irish Catholics themselves (Beckett, 1976: 43, 46-7). In the eighteenth century the Irish writer had more readers abroad than in his country and, apart from stock characters from the theatre by Charles Macklin (The True-born Irishman 1763), Irish life had an exotic aura for the English readers until the middle classes acquired nationalist consciousness. Then they became a menace for the “Ascendancy”: as trade developed and manufacturers increased in number and wealth, the Roman Catholic merchants were totally excluded from any political power (Beckett, 1976: 72-73; see also 1981: 102-3, 106). For Brian Hollingworth, in “The Limerick Gloves” Edgeworth sets up to build a pro-Irish sentiment and to allay English anxiety, and, in the last paragraph of the tale, she implies that the lack of “mutual respect is often caused by semantic confusion —and that an understanding of how the Irish express themselves would help towards furthering the relationship between the two nations” (1997: 110).

As for the institution, it refers to the publishing houses, critics and journals, which treated Edgeworth differently depending on their ideology: while the influential whig The Edinburgh Review supported all her publications, other reviews could not approve of her enlightened views and the absence of religion in her oeuvre (Fernández, 2013: 32-3). Popular Tales was welcomed by the philologist John Horne Tooke and The Edinburgh Review, where it was stated that “the design of these tales is excellent, and their tendency so truly laudable as to make amend for many faults of execution” (1804: 329). After Castle Rackrent, Edgeworth chose Joseph Johnson as her publisher, but regarding Popular Tales there was some disagreement between them on account of a decision taken by Johnson’s corrector of the press, Thomas Holcroft. Edgeworth called Johnson “a generous, able, kindhearted man” and a “‘respectabiliser’ of the trade” (qtd. Braithwaite, 2003: 174), but the Edgeworths disapproved of Holcroft’s idea of cutting “The Limerick Gloves” into eight chapters: “Whatever merit the heads of the chapter in the following stories may have, it must be attributed to the editor, as they were inserted by him” (Edgeworth, 1804: iv), and Edgeworth complained to her aunt Mrs. Ruxton about “such base trite mottoes [that] give an air of vulgarity to the whole” (qtd. in Edgeworth, 1999: vii). As a result of Holcroft’s decision, in the first edition, “The Limerick Gloves” is divided into eight chapters with a title summarizing the main idea in each one: “Surmise is often partly True and partly False”, “Words ill understood are among our worst Misfortunes”, “Endeavours to be consistent often lead to Obstinacy in Error”, “The Certainties of Suspicion are always doubtful, and often ridiculous”, “Conjecture is an Ignis Fatuus, that by seeming to light may dangerously mislead”, “Falsehood and Folly usually confute themselves”, “Our Mistakes are our very selves, we therefore combat for them to the last”, “Good Sense and good Humour are the best Peace-makers”.

Regarding the repertoire —or the part of the literary system selecting the rules and materials governing both the production and the use of the product—, Edgeworth wrote didactic fiction —like Hannah More (1745-1833) and Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-97)—, and two genres were in the mind of English readers at that time: the popular tale —which Edgeworth adopted and inherited from Jean François Marmontel and portrayed the low classes with dialogues and a didactic tone—, and the national tale —which was concerned with the definition and description of Ireland and is considered by Miranda Burgess as “dialogical, reproducing diverse accents, vocabularies and sometimes languages as it attempts to provide an overview of a national community —a national community that is continually in contact with representatives from other nations” (2006: 40). Writing about Ireland for the English audience meant engaging in a sort of translation exercise and Edgeworth was not alone in this enterprise: Lady Morgan (The Wild Irish Girl 1806; The O'Briens and the O'Flahertys 1827) and later John Banim (Tales of the O'Hara Family 1825; The Croppy, a Tale of 1798 1828) also composed tales about Ireland and Edgeworth’s influence reached authors as different as Walter Scott, or Ivan Turgenev.

“The Limerick Gloves” (1804) deals with the love story between Phoebe Hill, the daughter of Mr. Hill, a tanner and verger from Hereford, and her lover Brian O’Neill, an Irishman who sends her a pair of Limerick gloves as a present. Mr. Hill is biased against the Irish and prohibits his daughter any relationship with the Irishman, which Phoebe cannot understand. In the course of the narrative, O’Neill’s good actions prove that he is a good man, but he is sent to jail due to past debts and is even accused of plotting to blow up the cathedral. Eventually, the truth comes to light and O’Neill is set free as Mr. Hill overcomes his prejudices and consents to Phoebe and O’Neill’s union.

“The Limerick Gloves” deserves analysis for a number of reasons. Firstly, it takes place in a special historical moment, after the 1798 Rising —a violent episode that the Edgeworths witnessed in County Longford— and the Gordon Riots (1780). It is significantly dated “November 1799”, just before the publication of Castle Rackrent (1800) and it coincided with a heated debate about the Union with England. Despite its English setting, “The Limerick Gloves” refers to the palpable anxiety around potential Irish turmoil and Ireland hovers on the narrative all the time. Not coincidentally, Julia M. Wright reads the story as a detective fiction where Edgeworth stresses the dangers of excessive loyalty and its extension in national prejudice (2014: 135). Secondly, in this story Edgeworth continues her questioning of cultural stereotypes from the point of view of the colonizer. Edgeworth is concerned with the representation of the racial Other as Irish and its religious and economic dimension at the same time that she insists on the need to correct so many distorted images of Ireland (Fernández, forthcoming). Thirdly, as a tale, it has a certain extension and narrative development though it is not comparable to Ennui, another Rebellion narrative about Ireland (Myers 1996, 1999). Fourthly, “The Limerick Gloves” again shows Edgeworth’s enlightened philosophy which is here contrasted with superstition and ignorance.

More specifically, the story is interesting from the linguistic point of view because Edgeworth recreates the language spoken by the Irish as she had done in “The Irish Incognito” and “Little Dominick” in Essay on The Irish Bulls (1802), a text which is directly linked to “The Limerick Gloves” since it hinges on nationality and cultural misunderstanding leading to a conflict with major consequences in the development of the narrative. Besides, the political confrontation between England and Ireland is reinforced by the portrait of the English as prejudiced people who are unable to surpass national stereotypes and refuse to know the Irish. Another subplot deals with a female character who confronts patriarchy: Phoebe —whose name can certainly be associated with phobia— is close to the spirited Irish heroines of The Absentee and Ennui and does not easily bend to her parents’ will, thus destroying the submissive female prototype. Edgeworth also includes the parody of an unhappy marriage, and, as usual in her fiction, the narrator is a reformer whose ironic comments are continually questioning the English.

3.2. “Les gants de Limmerick”

The brothers Marc-Auguste and Charles Pictet created Bibliothèque Britannique ou recueil extrait des ouvrages anglais périodiques et autres, des Mémoires et transactions des Sociétés et Académies de la Grande-Bretagne, d’Asie, d’Afrique et d’Amerique rédigé à Génève par une Sociéte de gens de Lettres in the city of Geneva in 1796. Inspired on Bibliothèque italique (1728-34), this journal encompassed varied material about literature, medicine, travel or agriculture and, and it later became Bibliothèque Universelle des Sciences, Belles Lettres et Arts (1816-1924).The scientific contents were handled by Marc-Auguste Pictet, who had travelled a lot to Great Britain, while his brother Charles, an improving farmer and agronomist,prepared everything related to agriculture, literature, and he was also the translator of the texts coming from England. A Tribune in Paris in 1802-3, Charles became later involved in French academic administration and was able largely to preserve the independence of the Academy of Geneva and to prevent its assimilation to the French system. For Christina Colvin, “Pictet was a grand vulgarisateur in the best sense; he was a good enough physicist and metereologist to become an associate of the distinguished and select Society of Arcueil presided over by Berthollet” (1979: xv). In the Swiss text, the Pictets appear as the producers of a product (“Les gants de Limmerick”) addressed to French-speaking consumers. In this case, they wrote for a market composed of Protestant and conservative readers who liked diverse types of literature.

The Pictets were also part of the institution itself since they were close friends of the Edgeworths; they publicized their works and praised them. Marc-Auguste visited Edgeworthstown in 1801 and, according to Marilyn Butler, they encouraged the Edgeworths’ acceptance into continental economic and scientific circles (2000: 174). As W.C. Häusermann explains, the Pictets translated a good deal of Edgeworth’s works:

In 1804 the Bibliothèque britannique published several of her moral tales: “Epargnez pour avoir assez, ou deux cordes à votre arc”, “Les orphelines”, “La femme aux paniers”, “ Les fabricans”, and a comedy, “La Fête d’Eton”. Her father contributed an “Essai sur l’art de correspondre d’une manière secrète et rapide”. In 1805 the Genevese periodical published three of her tales: “Murad le chasseur”, “Demain”, and “La nouvelle Griselidi”. In 1806 appeared “Le Nègre reconnaissant”, “La loterie”, “Rosauna”, “Les petits marchands” and “le contraste”. In the volumes of 1808 we find “Le testament”, “Gervais le boîteux”, and “Les gants de Limerick”. The last important contributions by Maria were printed in the Bibliothèque britannique for 1810. They were the “Contes sur la vie du grand monde”, “Le créancier importun ”, “ Alméria ”, while her father’s name stood under the “Essais sur l’education des diverses professions”. A short extract of “La Rose, comédie” appears in 1817, and four fragments of the “Mémoires de Richard Lovell Edgeworth” are published in 1820 in the translation of Pictet de Rochemont. Maria’s last appearance in the Genevese journal is with “Rosamonde” (1952: 39).

As for the repertoire, in the Swiss case it points to the French conte, which had a long tradition and developed as the philosophic and moral tale by Voltaire and Marmontel and the didactic tale by Fénelon. The Swiss translation is also conditioned by the Belles Infidèles, a literary theoryalready adopted by Nicolas Perrot D’Ablancourt which meant that texts should have clarity, concision and elegance. Les belles infidèles governed the French poetics during the eighteenth century, when translation was perceived as literary creation in and of itself. From that point of view, the source text could be adapted to the new polysystem to make the text agreeable to the target reader (Van Tieghem, 1966: 17). Thus,the linguistic and narrative elements considered as low and ordinary were erased from the text, as well as extravagant language and too violent or affective scenes.

Another point is that the category journal covered wide-ranging materials and included information about colonial life, provincial and rural affairs, the French and American revolutions, reviews of literature and fashion throughout Europe, political debates, and coffee house gossip and discussion. However, publishing a journal meant size constraints and selections of content depending on the audience and Bibliothèque Britannique had a patriotic purpose to serve the Republic of Geneva which was menaced by the French Empire. Its editors wanted to show the latest developments from a conservative point of view, so political controversy was avoided since the journal’s bent was utilitarian, liberal and moralistic. In fact, in the first issue of the journal, the Pictets were concerned with opening access to scientific knowledge: “they concluded that the useful and observational sciences should be made available and linguistically intelligible to anyone in a position to act on the stores of information they contained” (Jones 2016: 59), and when Valérie Cossy and Diego Saglia analyze Austen’s translation in France, they emphasize the Pictets’ educational approach: “Literature was not a priority as such, moral instruction and utility alone justifying the presence of any text in the Pictets’ journal. In the context of the Bibliothèque Britannique, fiction was regarded as a potentially didactic genre aimed at an exclusively female audience” (2005: 171).

The Pictets’ enterprise responded to the international appeal of Great Britain. Capitalism spread as quickly as the British Empire was consolidating itself overseas and faced the independence of the American colonies. Despite the increasing differences between the countryside and the city —where the well-off lived side by side with the impoverished working class—, the middle class prospered, and the British economy, society and the arts were fashionable and appealing all throughout Europe. There were scientific developments fuelled by the English-born Industrial Revolution while Romanticism became a fast-spreading artistic model to be imitated on the Continent. The Pictets made sure that Bibliothèque Britannique was soon available everywhere, including Scandinavia and Russia, despite the war. Patrick Vincent explains that the journal disseminated writings by the writer William Godwin, the social reformer Jeremy Bentham, the philosopher Adam Ferguson, the scientist James Hutton, the economist Adam Smith, the cleric and scholar Thomas Robert Malthus and the abolitionist William Roscoe. Many Romantic writers were first translated into French here: “Wollstonecraft’s Scandinavian tour, Mungo Park’s travels, Hannah More’s Repository Tracts, Joanna Baillie’s Plays on the Passions, poetry by Burns, two novels each by Radcliffe, Godwin and Scott, and most remarkably perhaps, Austen’s Pride and Prejudice and Mansfield Park” (Vincent, 2018: 719).

English people were familiar with the stage Irishman and Teague since the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; they also knew Paddy —a long-established image of the Irishman that was associated with backwardness and poverty—; and the prevailing view of the Irish was one of drunken, childlike, superstitious and Catholic people. The Edgeworths worked hard to cast some doubt on that stereotype. Nevertheless, the French-speaking readers had a different concept of the Irish due to Voltaire. The French philospher hated Irish Catholicism and spread an idea which is summarized by Graham Gargett as follows: “Les Irlandais sont généralement déconsidérés, soit comme superstitieux, soit comme des immigrés qui mendient leurs pains, apportent des maladies, ou qui prennent les emplois des Français (des théologiens français, bien entendu)” (Gargett, 2002 : 230-1).

4. THE TARGET TEXT

4.1. Names and setting

The tendency to preserve the English setting alternates with the adaptation of the text to the new culture at micro and macrotextual level. Thus, while the story happens in England and English surnames are retained (Hill, O’Brian), the French titles (Mad. and M.) are used if possible, and, whenever there is an equivalent for the first name in French, the translation is then preferred. Thus, Bamfylde’s name (Edgeworth, 1804: 115) is enlarged to “Bampfylde, Roi des Bohémiens” (Edgeworth, 1808: 129) in opposition to Jowler, which is preserved (Edgeworth, 1808: 130). An effort is made to keep the rhyme of Bampfylde’s prophesy: “Now take my word,/Wise man of Hereford,/ None in safety may be,/Till the Irishman doth flee” (Edgeworth, 1804: 283) is rendered into French as “Ancien, crois en ma parole:/ Aussi long-temps que ce drôla/ Dans Héreford séjournera,/ Nulle prix en toi ne sera” (Edgeworth, 1808: 132). However, the paratext with the prophecy disappears from the body of the text: in consonance with the Edgeworths’ enlightened philosophy, Maria inserts a quite long footnote about Bampfylde in the source text (Edgeworth, 1804: 290), but there is no footnote in the translation probably due to editorial requirements.

There is some orthographical hesitation attributable to editorial neglect: “Limmerick” and “Limmerik” appear together. Typographically the Swiss text exhibits the old French spelling, preserving the forms existing before the 1835 reform of the Académie Française and also uses archaic French forms for the verbs. At the diegetic level, the action takes place in England, but the point of view adopted by the translator is that of the target culture, which was more ignorant of Ireland and less prejudiced to it than the British, so “as they were now got to the church door, Mrs. Hill, with a significant look at Phoebe, remarked that it was no proper time to talk or think of good men, or bad men, or Irishmen, or any men, especially for a verger’s daughter” (Edgeworth, 1804: 103) is translated as “Il ne s’agit pas de penser aux Irlandais, ni aux Anglais à present; il faut prender l’air qui convient à la fille d’un Ancien ” (Edgeworth, 1808 : 116).

4. 2. The English world in “Les gants de Limmerick”

The shift from book form to journal accounts for the shortening of the Swiss text. This tendency does not only apply to the portraits of the Irish, but also the English ones. Unfortunately, this feature has consequences on characterization and is not consistent. For example, the stylistic uniqueness of Mrs. Hill’s idiolect containing a long series of adverbial clauses is preserved in French when her direct speech is reproduced:

“Why, child,” said Mrs. Hill, “since you have a pair of Limerick gloves, and since certainly that note was an invitation to us to this ball, and since it is much more fitting that you should open the ball than Jenny Brown, and since, after all, it was very handsome and genteel of the young man to say he would take you without a farthing in your pocket, which shows that those were misinformed who talked of him as an Irish adventurer, and since we are not certain t’was he made away with the dog, although he said its barking was a great nuisance, and since, if he did not kill or entice away the dog, there is no great reason to suppose he was the person who made the hole under the foundation of the cathedral, or that he could have such a wicked thought as to blow it up, and since he must be in a very good way of business to be able to afford giving away four or five guineas worth of Limerick gloves, and balls and suppers, and since, after all, it is no fault of his to be an Irishman, I give it as my vote and opinion, my dear, that you put on your Limerick gloves and go to this ball; and I’ll go and speak to your father, and bring him round to our opinion; and then I'll pay the morning visit I owe to the widow O’Neill, and make up your quarrel with Brian. Love quarrels are easy to make up, you know; and then we shall have things all upon velvet again; and Jenny Brown need not come, with her hypocritical condoling face, to us any more.” (Edgeworth, 1804: 260-2)

“je trouve qu'il faut y penser. Le billet de ce matin étoit surement une invitation; et, puisqu'il vaut mieux que ce soit toi qui ouvres le bal avec lui que si c'étoit Jenny Brown, et, puisque sa conduite est pour touê convenable; puisqu'il paroît que ce n'est point un aventurier Irlandais; puisque ce n'est probablement pas lui qui a pris le chien, ce n'est peut-être pas lui, non plus, qui a démoli le mur de la cathédrale; et enfin, puisqu'il est en état de donner un bal, et d'envoyer dos gants à tout le monde, il faut que ce soit un homme qui mérite quelqu'attention. Ecoute, Phébé, je trouve qu'il faut que tu ailles à ce bal avec les gants qu'il t'a donnés. Je parlerai à ton père, et je le ferai revenir de son opinion. Je dois une visite à la veuve O'Neill, j'irai la voir pour arranger tout cela; et Mlle. Jenny en sera pour ses complimens hypocrites” (Edgeworth, 1808: 122).

However, when her husband’s thoughts are translated into French, they are summarized and not sufficiently developed, as it happens when he considers the necessity to consult Bampfylde the second:

It was difficult, even for Mr. Hill’s sagacity, to make sense of this dream: but he had the wise art of always finding in his dreams something that confirmed his waking determinations. Before he went to sleep, he had half resolved to consult the king of the gypsies, in the absence of the attorney; and his dream made him now wholly determine upon this prudent step. From Bampfylde the second, thought he, ‘I shall learn for certain who made the hole under the cathedral, who pulled down my rick of bark, and who made away with my dog, Jowler; and then I shall swear examinations against O'Neill without waiting for attorneys. I will follow my own way in this business: I have always found my own way best’ (Edgeworth, 1804: 280)

Mr. Hill trouvoit toujours dans ses songes de quoi justifier les résolutions qu'il prenoit étant éveillé. 1l avoit déjà demi résolu de consulter le grand Bampfylde; et son rêve le décida. Il espéroit que le devin le metroit de moins sur la voie, et lui indîquieroit des témoins qu'il obligeroit ensuite à confesser la vérité. Il termina ses méditations par une réflexion qu'il faisoit souvent, c'est qu'il se trouvoit toujours le mieux possible de ne suivra l'avis de personne (Edgeworth, 1808: 131).

Other examples deals with Mr. Hill’s superstitious nature (“it was whispered that he was resorted to, secretly, by some whose education might have taught them better sense” [Edgeworth, 1804 : 278]), and voracious appetite, which are suppressed:

“We forbear to recount his return, and how many times he walked up and down the close to view his scattered bark, and to estimate the damage that had been done to him. At length that hour came which usually suspends all passions by the more imperious power of appetite—the hour of dinner; an hour of which it was never needful to remind Mr. Hill by watch, clock, or dial” (Edgeworth, 1804: 276)

The story focuses on an Irishman who is not understood by the English, but the English do not understand each other either, as it happens to Mr. and Mrs. Hill. “Les gants de Limmerick” indirectly refers to the future union of Ireland with Great Britain, which is hinted when the Hills have a quarrel: “‘But you puzzle and frighten me out of my wits, Mrs. Hill,’ said the churchwarden again settling his wig. ‘In that case, and in this case! I can't understand a syllable of what you've been saying to me this half hour. In plain English, what is there the matter about Phoebe’s gloves?’” (Edgeworth 1804: 246) is transformed into “‘Ma foi, je veux mourir si je comprends un mot de ce que vous me dites. Voulez-vous parler clair, voyons?’” (Edgeworth, 1808: 115).

Mrs. Hill is a bully, a matron anticipating Lady Dashfort in The Absentee, and the narrator’s comments about her ridiculous domineering behaviour are so much changed that irony is lost: “and then went gossiping to all her female acquaintance in Hereford, to tell them all that she knew, and all that she did not know; and to endeavour to find out a secret where there was none to be found” (Edgeworth, 1804: 264) becomes “et elle fit le tour do ses connoissances pour raconter ce qu'elle en savoit , et apprendre ce qu'on avoit à lui en dire” (Edgeworth, 1808: 123)

Once he has dreamt about consulting Bampfylde the second, Mr. Hill plans his future actions and the direct speech in the source text is transformed into indirect speech:

“From Bampfylde the second, thought he, I shall learn for certain who made the hole under the cathedral, who pulled down my rick of bark, and who made away with my dog, Jowler; and then I shall swear examinations against O'Neill without waiting for attornies. I will follow my own way in this business: I have always found my own way best” (Edgeworth, 1804: 280)

Il avoit délà à demi résolu de consulter le grand Bampfylde; et son rêve le décida. Il espéroit que le devin le mettroit du moins sur là voie, et lui indîqueront des témoins qu'il obligeroit ensuite à confesser là vérité. Il termina ses méditations par une réflexion qu'il faisoit souvent, c'est qu'il se trouvoit toujours le mieux possible de ne suivra l'avis de personne (Edgeworth, 1808: 130-1).

Even the narrator’s complicity with the reader disappears when comments like this are erased: “Now Mr. Marshal well knew the character of the man to whom he was talking, who, above all things on earth, dreaded to be laughed at” (Edgeworth, 1804: 290, my italics).

One of the victims of misunderstandings is Phoebe, who suffers in the story on both her lover’s and her parents’ account. The narrator supports her and one of the comments about Phoebe’s behaviour is erased: “‘There are trials of temper in all conditions; and no lady, in high or low life, could endure them with a better grace than Phoebe” (Edgeworth, 1804: 265). Phoebe interrogates herself in direct style about the reasons for Mr. Hill’s hatred of O’Neill and this part is rendered as indirect speech in French where she is seen as ready to comply with her parents’ wishes:

In the mean time, Phoebe walked pensively homewards endeavouring to discover why her father should take a mortal dislike to a man, at first sight, merely because he was an Irishman; and why her mother had talked so much of the great dog, which had been lost last year out of the tan-yard; and of the hole under the foundation of the cathedral? ‘What has all this to do with my Limerick gloves?’ thought she. (Edgeworth, 1804: 249-50)

Cependant Phébé s'en alla tristement toute seule à la maison, en se demandant pourquoi son père avoit pris une haîne mortelle à la première vue contre un individu, par là seule raison qu'il étoit Irlandais, et pourquoi sa mère avoit tant parlé du chien perdu et du mur dégradé; car comme elle n'ayoit point pris Mr. Brian O'Neill en guignon à la première vue, par la raison qu'il étoit Irlandais, elle ne le soupçonnoit point d'avoir volé le chien de son père, ni de vouloir faire sauter en l'air la cathédrale (Edgeworth, 1808: 117)

Just as Griselda was sentimentalised when The New Griselda was translated in Bibliothèque Britannique (Fernández 2004), the female protagonist becomes very passive in this Swiss version. When Isabelle Bour discusses the reception of Jane Austen in Europe, she explains that abridgements, prunnings and slight inaccuracies affecting the characterization were frequent. In Austen, this feature was especially noticeable in the elimination of free indirect speech (Bour, 2007: 20-1). What we have in “Les gants de Limmerick” affects characterization in the same way. Through metonymy, the Irish gloves that were given to Phoebe are seen as part of herself now. After talking to O’Neill, Phoebe is very offended, but the account of her feelings in the two paragraphs that follow is reduced in French to “il se sauve en croyant laisser Phébe fort irritée elle meme” (Edgeworth, 1808: 120):

“You expect, Sir!” repeated Miss Hill, with a look of more indignation than her gentle countenance had ever before been seen to assume. Expect! If he had said hope, thought she, it would have been another thing: but expect what right has he to expect? (Edgeworth, 1804: 253-54)

Miss Hill's feelings were so much hurt, by this unlucky “I expect,” that the whole of his speech, which had before made some favourable impression upon her, now lost its effect; and she replied with proper spirit, as she thought, “ you expect a great deal too much, Mr. O'Neill; and more than ever I gave you reason to do. It would be neither pleasure nor pride to me to be won and worn, as you were pleased to say, in spite of them all; and to be thrown, without a farthing in my pocket, upon the protection of one who expects so much at first setting out.—So I assure you, Sir, whatever you may expect, I shall not put on the Limerick gloves” (Edgeworth, 1804: 254-5).

4. 3. The Irish world in “Les gants de Limmerick”

The most noticeable difference between the English and the Swiss text is that all the references to Irish culture disappear in the latter. In the original, the English are parodied and the Irish appear as good-natured people who are unfairly victimized by the English. The first difference is found when Phoebe gets angry with her lover because Brian says “I expect”. The narrator immediately attributes this mistake to a linguistic misunderstanding, but this explanation is shortened in French:

Now Miss Hill, unfortunately, was not sufficiently acquainted with the Irish idiom to know that to expect, in Ireland, is the same thing as to hope in England; and, when her Irish admirer said I expect, he meant only in plain English I hope. But thus it is that a poor Irishman, often, for want of understanding the niceties of the English language, says the rudest when he means to say the civilest things imaginable (Edgeworth, 1804: 254).

Phébé fut un peu indignée de ce que Mr. O'Neill comptait ainsi sur ses résolutions. Elle ne savoit pas que, dans l'idiome Irlandais, cela vouloit dire j'espère.

“Vous comptez sur beaucoup, monsieur,” lui dit-elle, d'un ton piqué. “Je n'irai certainement pas contre la volonté de mes parens, pour vous plaire.” (Edgeworth, 1808: 119)

Edgeworth insists on Brian’s Irishness, but the French translation tends to neutralization, so “Our Irish hero” (Edgeworth 1804: 111) is featured as “Notre héros” (Edgeworth 1808: 125). Likewise, one comment about Ireland is omitted: “There is a strange mixture of virtue and vice in the minds of the lower class of Irish: or rather a strange confusion in their ideas of right and wrong, from want of proper education” (Edgeworth 1804: 285).

“The Limerick Gloves” is a tale of pride and O’Neill’s pride is consistently emphasized in English, where he comes close to a hero created by Sir Walter Scott. Nevertheless, textual reduction provokes the disappearance of his heroic aura in French:

Mr. O'Neill was not without his share of pride, and proper spirit: nay, he had, it must be confessed, in common with some others of his countrymen, an improper share of pride and spirit. Fired by the lady's coldness, he poured forth a volley of reproaches; and ended by wishing, as he said, a good morning for ever and ever, to one who could change her opinion point blank, like the weathercock. “I am. Miss, your most obedient; and I expect you'll never think no more of poor Brian O'Neill, and the Limerick gloves” (Edgeworth, 1804: 255)

Mr. O'Neill fut piqué à son tour; et il lui répondit que puisqu'elle étoit capable de changer comme une girouette, il lui souhaitoit bien du plaisir et de la santé, et qu'il ne l’incommoderoit jamais plus de ses politesse, Il la quitta après ces mots en lui faisant un profond salut (Edgeworth, 1808: 119).

Edgeworth not only approached the linguistic differences, but she also wanted to describe and caution against Irish customs. In English the narrator gives an account of how the Irish pay, which is eliminated in French together with the narrator’s comment:

This language and conduct were rather new to the English clerk's mercantile ears: we cannot wonder that it should seem to him, as he said to his master, more the language of a madman than a man of business. This want of punctuality in money transactions, and this mode of treating contracts as matters of favour and affection, might not have damned the fame of our hero in his own country, where such conduct is, alas! too common, but he was now in a kingdom where the manners and customs are so directly opposite that he could meet with no allowance for his national faults. It would be well' for his countrymen if they were made, even by a' few mortifications, somewhat sensible of this important difference in the habits of Irish and English traders, before they come to settle in England (Edgeworth, 1804: 269-70, my italics).

Un tel langage dut paroître extraordinaire à un commis Anglais, car l'exactitude des paiemens est pour eux une espèce de religion. Il revînt dire à son maître que l'Irlandais étoit une sorte de fou, dont il n'avoit rien pu tirer que des injures

Cette manière de remplir ses engagement auroit été mal vue même en Irlande, où l'on est dans l'usage de traiter les affaires d'argent comme celles de politesse ou de procédés; mais, en Angleterre, où l'on a des notions toutes contraires, une telle conduite devoit le perdre de réputation (Edgeworth, 1808: 125-6)

One strategy to silence the Irishman is to summarise his words. The speech of Paddy M'Cormack, the other Irishman in the story, is considerably reduced when he explains that O’Neill did not pull down the rick of bark. Nevertheless, attention is totally diverged here:

“By the holy poker,” said he to himself, “the old fellow now is out there. I know more o' that matter than he does, no offence to his majesty: he knows no more of my purse, I'll engage now, than he does of this man's rick of bark and his dog: so I'll keep my tester in my pocket, and not be giving it to this king o' the gipsies, as they call him; who, as near as I can guess, is no better than a cheat. But there is one secret which I can be telling this conjurer himself; he shall not find it such an easy matter to do all what he thinks; he shall not be after ruining an innocent countryman of my own, whilst Paddy M'Cormack has a tongue and brains” (Edgeworth, 1804: 283-5).

Lorsqu'il entendit que le devin accusoit Mr. O’Neill d'avoir renversé la pile d'écorces, il se dit à lui-même : “parbleu! je ne lui donnerai pas mon argent, car il se blouse“. Paddy avoit la meilleure raison possible pour parler ainsi: c'étoit lui-même qui avoit fait cette belle œuvre, dans son indignation sur ce que Mr. Hill faisoit arrêter son bienfaiteur, car il étoit du nombre des curieux que cet événement avoit attirés dans la rue (Edgeworth, 1808: 132-3).

Edgeworth is recognised as one of the writers who gave fictional form to Anglo-Irish (Hollingworth 1997), and here she made an effort to faithfully reproduce Irish speech and introduce expressions such as “Plase your honor”, “jontleman”, or “poor cratur”, but Paddy’s statement before Mr. Marshal is much longer than in the Swiss text, where he speaks perfect French:

Enfin, le maire ouvrit un cabinet voisin, et en fis sortir l'Irlandais Paddy, qu'on lui avoit amend une heure auparavant. La patrouille avoit passé chez Mr. Hill pour lui en rendre compte, jamais on ne l'avoit pas trouvé. Détrompé sur l'article des écorces, Mr. Hill n'en revint qu'avec plus d'acharnement à l'imputation du vol du chien.

“Si Mr. le maire veut bien me permettra, j'aurois quelques mots à dire là-dessus, “reprit Paddy, “Avez vous en effet connoissance,” dit le Magistrat, “que ce chien ait été dérobé par Mr. O'Neill?”.

“Non, point du tout: bien au contraire jamais quelque chose à dire concernant le collier du chien, du moins, je pense que c'est son collier; et voici ce que c'est. La nuit que Mr. O'Neill fut arrêté, sa pauvre mère quiétoit bien en peine, m'envoya chez un prêteur sur gages, pour tâcher d'obtenir l'argent qui lui étoit nécessaire. Comme il étoit fort tard, je ne trouvai qu'un petit garçon encore debout. Ce petit garçon alla réveiller son père, “et pendant ce temps-là, j'examinai ce qu'il y avoit dans la boutique. II y avoit, entr'autres choses, une redingotte dont j'avois bonne en vie. En la prenant pour l'examiner, je m'a perçus qu'il y avoit quelque chose de pesant dans les poches. Ce quelque chose étoit un marteau, et un collier sur lequel le nom de Hill étoit écrit” (Edgeworth, 1808: 136-7).

Many comments about both the characterization of Paddy and the Irish are pruned: “The Irish hay-maker now stepped forward, and, with a peculiar twist of the hips and shoulders, which those only who have seen it can picture to themselves, said, “‘Please your honor's honor, I have a little word to say too about the dog’” (Edgeworth, 1804: 137), and “This story was related in tones, and with gestures, which were so new and strange, to English ears and eyes, that even the solemnity of our churchwarden gave way to laughter” (Edgeworth, 1804: 296-7). There are other significant suppressions. Mr. Marshal represents reason facing ignorance, but his comment about the Irishmen passes unnoticed in the translation: “‘I am glad,’ said Mr. Marshal, ‘to hear you speak, almost, as reasonably as an Englishman born and every man ought to speak; and I am convinced that you have too much English hospitality to persecute an inoffensive stranger, who comes amongst us trusting to our justice and good-nature’” (Edgeworth, 1804: 301-2). Similarly, though it is not direct speech, the comments of people about O’Neill are not reproduced:

Mr. Marshal heard several instances of the humanity and goodness of O'Neill, which Paddy related to excuse himself for that warmth of attachment, to his cause, that had been manifested so injudiciously by pulling down the rick of bark, in revenge for the arrest. Amongst other things, Paddy mentioned his countryman's goodness to the widow Smith: Mr. Marshal was determined, therefore, to see whether he had, in this instance, spoken the truth; and he took Mr. Hill with him, in hopes of being able to shew him the favourable side of O'Nell’s character (Edgeworth, 1804: 302-3).

The mystery about the hole in the foundations of the cathedral is solved thanks to a little girl: rats, and not O’Neill, have been destroying the building, and Mr. Marshall goes to see it personally. This time both the girl’s explanation and the visit to the cathedral are succinctly summarized:

L'arrivée de la petite fille de la veuve Smith interrompit la conversation.- Elle étoit tout animée, et raconta à sa mère qu'elle venoit de montrer à une dame le rat apprivoisé. Sa mère lui dit de faire à ces messieurs l'histoire de ce rat. La petite raconta alors, qu'elle et son frère avoient apprivoisé un gros rat, en lui donnant à manger. Lorsqu'on lui demanda où ce rat se tenoit, elle dit que c'étoit dans la muraille de l'église. Mr. Marshall, et Mr. Hill se regardèrent; et celui-ci commença craindre que l'histoire de la conspiration ne fit le second tome de la fable de la montagne en travail. Mr. Marshall dit à l'enfant qu'il vouloit voir cet animal curieux. Il y alla avec Mr. Hill. Ils se mirent en sentinelle. La petite fille posa des miettes de pain à l'entrée du trou qui étoit dans le mur; et on vit bientôt paroître le conspirateur sous la forme d'un gros rat. Mr. Marshall ne put pas s'empêcher de rire (Edgeworth 1808: 140-1).

5. CONCLUSION

“The Limerick Gloves” is relevant in a study of Edgeworth’s oeuvre because the author offers a new image of Ireland which subverts misconceptions. However, the translation published in Bibliothèque Britannique contains too many shortcomings to be a faithful portrait of Edgeworth’s Ireland. If Toury’s initial norm is applied to the translation, it is clear that acceptability prevails over adequacy: the translator follows the linguistic and rhetorical norms of the target language and culture rather than submitting himself or herself to the textual relations and norms embodied in the source text, which can be registered in different ways. As the narrator’s comments disappear or decrease, Edgeworth’s enlightened irony and her characteristic aim to offer an ethnographic, quasi journalistic account of Ireland become blurred, which contrasts with the sympathy to Ireland in the original. The reforming narrator is not perceived by the French-speaking reader as the narrator was by the British reader. The Pictets assimilate the text to French culture by using French equivalents and whole speeches are literally translated while others are transformed into indirect discourse or they are directly pruned. Editorial constraints might explain these reductions, but there are too many gaps for the target reader who understands neither the motivations nor the psychology of the Hills. Vulgarity and comicality disappear too just like the lovers’ misunderstanding, and Phoebe’s grief is soothed in French, where she sticks to the flat figure promoted by conduct books of the period whereas Edgeworth’s heroine is much livelier and attractive.

When Edgeworth wanted to represent Ireland as Great Britain’s partner, she meant respecting and understanding the Irish idiosyncrasy, especially the Irishman’s voice and speech. Unluckily, in “Les gants de Limmerick” the male protagonist could be any nationality; only his ethics matter in the Swiss text and the Irish culture is assimilated to the British one. The anxiety to accommodate the source text to the tastes of polite reader, a new market and French poetics explain the changes. There is also some geopolitical interest: England was seen as a thriving country, an example to be followed. The aim to avoid taking part in the political confrontation between Ireland and England is possibly behind this attitude, but the result is that Ireland is deprived of her identity at the same time that the narrator’s ironic stance towards the English, the authentic butts of satire, passes totally unnoticed. Far from being a triviality, the Pictets’ manipulation of Edgeworth’s work has far-reaching consequences in the continental transmission of the author’s oeuvre since Edgeworth’s decisive role in the rewriting of Ireland is ignored and her satire of prejudice is dramatically downplayed.

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